A small circle of loyalists to the President | Who are the authorities and merchants you rely on when using the fix?

The pace of adjustment and political battles he was determined to face – with a heavy emphasis on Allied forces – began to shrink Javier Millay's circle of reference. A group of loyalists supporting his adventure consisted of no more than 4 officers who trusted him not to betray him, and a handful of 5 businessmen who spoke directly to the president and urged him to continue with the economic contraction plan. Governors also feed him the idea of ​​the “leg” of the nation state.

Having a small desk almost like a mouse might seem like little executive time, but the president hugs his sister Carina Miley, the president's secretary, and three staff members during these hours. Use their idea and they respond. One was Chief of Staff, Nicholas Bose; Another and fourth of his star advisors was Federico Sternsnaker, who according to Millay best articulated his economic ideology. The first three loyalists are united by their rejection of the massive landing of Marxism in government. Ultimately, that factor appears to be little unifying factor when the president's recent actions are put into perspective. They alone explain the only clear strategy of Millay in the midst of a government with political amateurism: the representation of conservative thought, at the same time, cannot be in two aspects, which is why libertarians must bring PRO. Rather than photographing it, its knees capture its essence. This logic explains the attack against the governors of the interior due to the adjustment to the provinces that started with the Suput case.

After speaking with Ignacio Torres, the governor of Subut, he accepted the rebellion of the PRO governors and the resulting statement, Mauricio Macri was one of those close to Mili who sent the information to the president. Signature of his cousin and Mayor of Buenos Aires, Jorge Macri. The whole incident unleashed a Twitter fury from Miley, who personally insulted Torres while traveling to the US for a far-right conference.

The network troll strategy was armed with a rarely seen aggression, in which the government whitewashed the fact that journalists from La Nacion Mass, which they say belongs to Macri, were working on networks to destroy Torres. The governor himself said some of this, promising that they had warned him to destroy him on social media. More about the man from Suput and his anger: A few weeks ago, Horacio Marín, YPF's president and former Techint man, convened shareholders and warned that the new oil adjustment policy ordered by Milei would reduce all investment. In conventional crude oil. Suput, precisely, is one of the provinces with only that resource quality.

In this scenario, Posse is the only solid side of the deal between Milei and Eduardo Eurnekian, the owner of Corporación America and the original creator of the Milei product. He is developing a less aggressive negotiating profile, but has not budged an iota from the president's demands. They meet the libertarian working on Corporación America's Aconcagua Bioceanic Corridor project, and Milei sees him as “a very organized guy.” “They speak the same language,” they describe their surroundings. Bosse, for the President, is the central weapon in keeping the economic deregulation DNU alive.

red “circle”

They are less and less, but they speak often and in the ear of President Javier Mili. The libertarians' group of five or six belligerent CEOs maintained a direct relationship with the president, which went from euphoria of victory to a cautious critique and mutual passage of the bill. For example, the President wants – this newspaper learnt – the benefited businessmen to play hardball in favor of the government; And as a method to avoid social crisis, CEOs are required to explain well the purpose of the adjustment and why people will benefit from their policies.

In this case, they said Page I12 Those who frequent her say Mili rarely schedules businessmen on her WhatsApp and blocks those who write to her without the sender knowing. He removed people from his agenda and restricted contact to only those close to him. He serves these five or six businessmen almost religiously. Late this Friday, many of them personally paid for the attack against the governors. One of those mentioned below even referred to Governor Torres as “one of the living leggings in the nation.”

The telephone list accessed by this newspaper includes the following names, from various regions, who consult and discuss with the President: Marcos Galperín, CEO of Mercado Libre; Georgie News, owner of a multi-pronged business empire; Gonzalo Tanoira, owner of Citrícola San Miguel; Alejandro Elsztain, Eduardo's brother, owns IRSA and manages the Gresut and Agriculture branch; and Eduardo Bastita Harriot, owner of Plaza Logistica.

The peculiarity of this group is that, in general, they were cooked on an independent fire and did not go to the same areas as other CEOS. Many of them traveled to Rome for the president's tour of the Vatican and met Miley in person. They were the envy of government-invited CEOs who could not even see the president up close. Tanouira was among the privileged few who had a meeting with Miley and his sister and Secretary to the Presidency, Karina Miley, at the President's suite at the city's Intercontinental Hotel.

What are they saying?

In one of his last speeches, the president chided the businessmen who fueled his independence adventure, saying they were “not great communicators of the government's achievements.” “You must show the virtues of the Path,” Miley urged them. The answer to why they don't play so hard is that, after the collapse of the Omnibus Act, they realized it wasn't clear whether that model would succeed. One of the CEOs who spoke to this newspaper assured, “Supporting and saying it will get better is not the same as saying it will get better.”

Among the above mentioned, the best conveying this idea are Bastita and Tanoira. First handled the logistics of the Buenos Aires campaign for Miley. During the campaign, he took him to see his project in Colonia, Uruguay, called + Colonia. A city for Argentine businessmen who don't want to pay taxes in their home country. Tanouira's case is also significant: he is a character very close to Mauricio Macri, the former president who was so interested in exporting citrus fruits that he held an event in Tucuman, announcing its export sales as a milestone. An unconventional engineer favored by industrialists, he lobbied Danoeira internationally in the United States. People familiar with the story say former President Donald Trump nicknamed Macri “Mr. Lemon” because he often spoke about the citrus business.

In another corner, CEOs are playing, and under a glance, they attack Economy Minister Luis Caputo. They tell the president. “There's no point in celebrating fiscal surplus if you don't know what the sustainability of the project is,” they told him. “Please explain the situation better, the economic plan is unclear,” Miley read in one of the last messages she received on her cell phone. Many of these CEOs are, frankly, closer to Stursnecker than Caputo. The ex-PCRA also moves like someone who is patiently waiting for some movements to approach positions of power.

Galperin, feeling liberated at times in his life, asked Miley why Caputo was “cutting himself off and doing his own thing.” He was a Milesian, not a Kaputist, and he did not get on well with Marxism. Another person who speaks directly to Miley is Niuse. The latter entered a predicament in the Torres case: a businessman who owns a VTV manufacturing company in CABA, owns electricity distributors, farms and warehouses, and traveled to Suput in his private plane to celebrate his election victory. Torres, and invited Patricia Fulrich on the trip. He is well connected to the Suput district chief and has put money into Bullrich's campaign and, later, Miley's campaign.