Decisive day of democracy in Peru. This Monday, in the brief process of the inaccurate accusation of “moral incompetence,” the far-right in parliament will seek to oust Pedro Castillo from the presidency. The indictment, which has a very weak argument, is based on complaints still under investigation, questions about the administration of ministers, press reports by the head of state and allegations against third parties. Are used against the President. Unlike a political trial, witnesses and defendants have stages to present, and in this case everything will be decided on the same day. Castillo will present his defense an hour before Congress accuses him, after which the parliamentary debate and referendum will come, without the chairman’s room. To approve the removal of the rural professor who came to the presidency after defeating the institution represented by Keiko Fujimori, 87 votes out of a total of 130 needed, i.e. two-thirds of the combined Congress. Calculations indicate that those promoting the parliamentary coup will not get those votes. But Castillo is playing fairly in his favor.
Castillo has been charged with corruption in tenders. Testimony before campaigner Karelim Lopez’s attorney’s office quoted him as condemning himself for corruption, blaming government officials for the legal benefits, and citing Castillo in improper tenders. He points out that the president will guide the alleged structure in the state machinery for awarding fraudulent auctions. However, a serious statement that has not been confirmed. Lopez was accused of being a lobbyist in a tender to build a bridge for 232 million soles (about $ 58 million) and to work on a tender to buy fuel for $ 74 million. Both tenders are being investigated by the government. Castillo has now admitted that he once met a campaigner who blames himself.
Lopez admitted in a statement to the government that he was not directly aware of Castillo’s corruption activities and that his statements against the president were based on what third parties had told him. His complaints are under investigation and no decision has yet been made regarding his veracity and responsibilities. But whatever it is, the conspiracy takes Lopez’s unproven allegations against Castillo as absolute truth and a guilty verdict to remove him from office.
The campaigner who turned out to be Keiko Fujimori’s presidential candidate against Castillo was financially supported, and later joined the government through Catillo’s former secretary Bruno Pacheco, who found $ 20,000 in cash during a tax audit of his office. He could not explain it reliably. Parliamentary rights accuse Castillo of money laundering found in Pacheco. Caesar Nagasaki, the lawyer who advised Lopez on his charges against Castillo, the same lawyer as former dictator Alberto Fujimori, was sentenced to 25 years in prison for human rights abuses and corruption.
Another allegation against the president was that meetings were held outside a government house, at a friend’s house, in what the press called “a co-office.” Pressure for a military promotion is also said to be the reason for the allegation, which was already leveled at him in an earlier attempt to oust him last December. These cases are still under investigation. The number “moral incapacity” is defined as the unimaginable compulsion to appoint ministers in question, and is cited as a reason for the president’s dismissal. The ruling or declared to a media company that it was in favor of facilitating a shop by the sea for Bolivia.
With the complicity of large sections of the media, the far right is using “moral impotence” to the point of absurdity, which is an image of anything and a weapon to overthrow the government. The fact that they do not have serious arguments is not something that prevents them. The goal is to overthrow Castillo and regain power. “Moral incompetence” is the excuse they have found to expedite and execute the parliamentary conspiracy. Shameless self-promotion for Ballard and a great bargain on a neat little knife for you. But they will not be on the ballot either. Castillo needs the support of 44 of the 130 legislators, who are trying to prevent his ouster by preventing his accusers from getting the 87 votes they need. If the ruling party joins the government committee and the two committees affiliated to the executive committee, those 44 votes are correct. There is no room for dissent in government.
In Congress, which is divided into ten benches, three constituencies can be identified. There are three benches supporting the executive and their 44 votes, 32 of which belong to the ruling party, the Peruvian Libre. Another faction of the far right, which promotes Castillo’s ouster, is made up of three groups. They added 43 votes. Fujimori, with 24 legislators, is the largest of the benches affiliated with the coup. The third faction, formed by four center-right groups, brings together the other 43 votes. They are the ones who tilt the scales to one side or the other. Unlike the other two blocks, these groups do not usually vote together, and each bench has its own game. Within each of these benches there are sections on the ballot. These groups, with a few exceptions, supported the far-right demand for Castillo to be brought to Congress, accusing him of “moral incompetence,” which was approved by 76 votes. The far right is urging lawmakers who do not support the move to change their position and join the coup. But the opposite can happen, with last-minute disagreements among those who voted to oust the president. Voting in this constituency is often unpredictable.
The far right knows it is having a hard time with the parliamentary coup in its attempt. If they do not achieve their goal, they hope they will use this Monday’s session to further weaken the president, who has been defeated in the ongoing struggle against him by the political and media right, and for his mistakes and setbacks. Proposals to change. To complete the parliamentary conspiracy, far-right groups of far-right center-right groups must unite seamlessly behind the conspiracy and achieve at least one conflict within the ruling party. And there are no casualties on your front. The most unlikely situation. But Peruvian politics has already shown that anything can happen.
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