The juxtaposition of judicial chapters that attempt to place Cristina Fernández de Kirchner at the center of the Commodore Pie scene evokes the inevitable. Deja vu And it is presented as an apparent quest for revenge against the fallout of most of the cases against him and, according to those around him, an attempt at political obstruction. This Friday’s Federal Chamber ruling was added to the prosecutor’s full argument to show the investigation of the public task, which favored the prosecution of several businessmen and former officials in the pending section of the memorandum’s cause. Neither he nor Nestor Kirchner went so far as to indicate that the vice president should be investigated for any responsibility for the alleged delivery of the money to his apartment at 1306 Uruguay Street—without naming him. At the time. Maurizio Macri at the Court of Appeal, the sentence was signed by two chamberlains named by hand through the transfer mechanism: Leopoldo Bruglia and Pablo Bertuzzi. The Judicial Council helps keep judges appointed by competition and consent of the Senate, rather than voting on shortlists to replace them.
Both replaced judges confirmed the expansion of the bribery case against the businessmen Hugo Dragonetti, Alberto Taselli and Jorge Balán, which was published in February by Judge Julian Ercolini, replacing the court held by Claudio Bonadio until his death, a prominent publicist. This and other cases against CFK. The cases of former Coordinating Secretary of the Ministry of Planning Roberto Barata and his then Secretary Nelson Lazard were also confirmed. It is a part of the file that has not yet been attached to all that was raised at the oral hearing, which is in the hands of the Federal Oral Court 7, which incidentally opened the main evidence phase for the opening of the trial. Prosecutors also tried to target Maximo Kirchner yesterday to move forward with the final phase now underway, the day the Supreme Court rejected all the Vice President’s evidence in the “road” or public service inquiry (three years late). (to dissect)
Soup again
Both businessmen and former officials accused in this new round are already included in the future investigation of the Gloria notebooks, whose author Oscar Centeno was attributed to the former driver of the Ministry of Planning, but Ercolini continued at the end of last year. A series of alleged illegal payments related to this mother cause – has not been evaluated and calls for fresh investigations. The cases were released in February. The Chamber’s resolution affirming them, among other “instances that did not produce a timely resolution of elevation,” noted that “the payment was made by Dragonetti on September 22, 2010” and “Centeno’s annotations indicate that the money received by Parata and Lazard was then taken to an address at 1306 Uruguay Street and delivered to Daniel Munoz. Muñoz, deceased, Nestor was Kirchner’s personal secretary.
In this case, the person in charge of the building declared that neither Néstor nor CFK had been there since he became president. Between 2003 and 2015, he reported, Munoz visited only occasionally. It is said that he was going to collect invoices, and sometimes he received people. Muñoz appeared in the Panama Papers with assets in the United States and accounts in the Virgin Islands and Andorra. His widow Carolina Bocchetti was involved.
Based on that reference, Bruglia and Bertuzzi concluded that the potential liability of the other co-defendants “must be assessed.” The reference to the vice-president was implicit but very clear and was read by several websites, which ordered the Chamber to investigate Christina Kirchner, who was already included in the proceedings brought to trial in the notebooks.
Dragonetti and Taselli were given bribes that had not yet been added and Balan was charged with two. Lazarte was charged with nine counts of passive bribery. The decision partially overturns the cases against businessman Claudio Glassman and former official Hernán Gomez.
Tests
As the defendants questioned — as has been the case throughout this case — the entire indictment rested on the notebooks written by Centeno, the judges say more than once throughout the decision, “The evidence of the collected elements violates the framework. ‘Notebooks’ and Oscar P. Centeno approved it when he testified that he was remorseful.” They say that the addresses, the ownership of the mentioned vehicles, the communications between the protagonists” were verified on the aforementioned payment dates. For Bruglia and Bertuzzi, the declarations of repentance were the main evidence. These statements were not recorded (recorded or filmed) as indicated by the rules of procedure and the lawyer Stornelli himself “rings for all”. said no, if they did not say what was expected, indicating that. Among them (those who accepted the bribe and and those involved in CFK and Ministry of Planning) may be jailed. According to the judges, it is also necessary to reconstruct some telephone contacts.
Bruglia and Bertuzzi argue that Centeno claimed that he burned the notebooks but that since (theoretically) few originals appeared later, that “does not affect the probative value of those annotations”. In this way they anticipate a debate before the oral court, where Centeno asked to verify that the notebooks at the disposal of the judges actually contained his writings. So far they have not accepted his request. The defendants could not see the original assumptions. Until now, since the case began in August 2018, an official expert opinion on the writings has never been made. In one received case, businessman Armando Lawson commissioned a private study that found more than 1,600 changes to the original text, 55 revisions or proofs, and at least two different manuscripts. After that, another judge, Marcelo Martínez de Giorgi, ordered an official expert opinion this year.
Merchants
The Chamber says that the three businessmen who have been booked are repentant in the parent file of the memos and have described themselves at the time of bribery and bribery. The difference is that when they announced this expansion due to some other facts, the destination of the money was different: they said that they were contributions for politics, campaigns or the judiciary. In this way, they requested that their case be sent to the Electoral Justice System, which benefited Manuel Santos Uribelaria, Hugo Andranik Urnekian and Alejandro Ivanisevic, contrary to what was obtained by the decision of Judge Ercolini, the other businessmen involved. , without objection from attorney Stornelli. The situation is greatly softened by the fact that the payments are treated as campaign contributions and not as bribes within an illegal association for the delivery of public works.
However, the businessmen who have benefited the most in this case so far are Tekind (both president Paolo Rocca and directors Luis Bednazza and Hector Zabaleta) because the same magistrate considered that what they paid was not a bribe, but money. A “state of need”, a “humanitarian” situation in the context of the conflict at a plant in Venezuela (Cidores).
In the old investigation of Senate bribery, the confession of Mario Pontagardo, the use of funds appropriated from XCide and the verification of phone calls, none of these were achieved and all the defendants were acquitted. It is important to see what criteria the Oral Court 7 will use when it decided to put its foot on the accelerator this year and target CFK again to take a place in portals, newspapers and other media. Bruglia and Bertuzzi, for now, have a clear game: while ruling in favor of Macri – as the ARA spied on San Juan’s relatives – they seek to reconcile the vice president and other former officials of his administration.
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